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► 

Photogr^hic 

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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

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CIHM/ICMH 
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Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


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la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

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derniftre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbi.  le  — ►  signif ie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 

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filmte  i  des  taux  de  reduction  diff6rents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
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et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  n6cessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  m6thode. 


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SERMON/ 

DELIVERED  IN 

THE  MEETING  HOUSE 

OF 

THE  FIRST  BAPTIST  CHURCH, 

IN  THE  CITY  OF  NEW-YORK, 

AUGUST  20th,    1812. 

'  >  .  Being  a  Day  recommended,  by  the 

OONJIXITUTED  AUTHORITIES  07  THE  KATION, 

As  a  Day  of 
SPECIAL  HUMILIATIQjY  Amj  PRAYER^ * 

^'"  •  OK  ACCOUNT  oir 

THE  PRESENT  WAR. 


**  V 


'\>^ 


"■1 


■I:. 


BY  T?1LLIAM    PARKINSON,    A.  M. 

Pastor  of  aaid  Church. 


**  He  maketh  wars  to  cease,  &c."    Psalm  xlvi.  9. 


)  1    I 


NEW-YORK : 

VRIMTEB  TOR   JOHN  TISBOUt,  MO.  338)  VATSR'STRESTk 


1812. 


mi 


T\e  Copy  for  Publication,  was  suhmitted  at 
the  request  of  Friends, 


W*  «/N>V^«r<^</\/N/N#' 


if 


A 


SERMON. 


J.  Chron.  5.  18. — 22. 

18.  The  sons  of  Reuben,  and  the  Gadites,  and  half  the 
Tribe  of  Manasseh,  of  valiant  men,  men  able  to  bear  buckler 
and  sword,  and  to  shoot  with  bow,  and  skilful  in  war,  were 
four  and  forty  thousand  seven  hundred  and  three-Korei  that 
went  out  to  the  war. 

19.  And  they  made  war  with  the  Hagarites,  with  Jetur  and 
Nephish,  and  Nodab. 

20.  And  they  were  helped  against  them,  and  the  Hagarites 
were  delivered  into  their  hand,  and  all  that  were  with  them ; 
for  they  cried  to  God  in  the  battle,  and  he  was  intrcatedof 
them,  because  they  put  their  trust  in  him. 

21.  And  they  took  away  their  cattle;  of  their  camels  fifty 
thousand,  and  of  sheep  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand,  and 
of  asses  two  thousand,  and  of  men  an  hundred  thousand. 

22.  For  there  fell  down  many  slain,  because  the  war  was 
of  God.    And  they  dwell,  in  their  steads  until  the  captivity. 


1 


!!»■ 


i 


THIS  piece  of  sacred  history  records  the  parties  and 
circumstances  of  an  ancient  war. 

The  fiartica,  on  the  one  side,  the  Israelitea,  who  were  the  de- 
scendants of  Jacobi  and,  on  the  cfther  side  the  Hagarites,  who 
were  the  posterity  of  lahmael^  but  called  Hagarites,  after  Ha- 
gary  Ishmaers  mother.  The  branches  of  each  family  that 
were  engage  in  the  war  are  particularly  named.  Of  the  fami- 
ly of  Jacob,  "  the  sons  of  Reuben,  and  the  Gadites,  and  half 
the  tribs  of  Manasseh ;"  who  all  lived  together  on  the  East  of 


;t 


u 


Jordan,  and  who  are  said  to  have  been  "  valiant  men,  men  atlc 
to  bear  buckler  and  sword,  and  to  shoot  with  bow,  and  skilful 
in  war."  v.  18  And  of  the  fa>nlly  of  Ishmael  or  the  Hap^rites, 
"Jetur^  ar.'l  A'efihiah,  and  J^odab"*  that  is  the  posterity  of 
these  men,  and  who  were  ^he  sons  of  Ishmael.  Gen.  25.  15. 

The  Circumstances : 

\.  "  The  War  ii'u.s  of  God."  v.  22. 

2.  It  was  waged  on  the  part  of  God's.  Israel :  "  they  made 
•war,"  fjfc.  V.  19. 

3.  The  forces  engaged  were  very  unequal ;  of  the  Israel- 
ites, 44,760.  V.  18,  and  of  the  Ilagaritcs,  probably  three  times 
thai  number;  for,  besides  100,000  of  thim  taken  prisoners, 
«  there  fell  down  many  slain"  v.  21,  22.     Yet 

4.  The  conquest  was  on  the  side  of  Israel,  v.  20. 

5.  The  conquest  was  given  them  by  divine  interposition  : 
«  they  were  helped  against  them,  and  the  Hagarites  were  de- 
livered into  their  hands,  and  all  that  were  with  them  ;"  that  is 
,all  their  possessions.   Ii>id. 

6  The  success  of  Israel  was  in  answer  to  prayer:  "for  they 
cried  to  God  in  the  battle,  and  he  v  as  intreated  of  them,  be- 
cause they  put  their  trust  in  him."  ^bid. 

7.  What  the  Providence  of  God  delivered  to  Israel,  they 
took;  and  which  furnishes  an  example  of  what  may  be  lawfully 
done  in  a  lawful  war.  They  took  men  ;  of  these  100,000, 
which  alone  was  near  5,000  more  than  twice  the  whole  num- 
ber of  the  army  of  Israel.  They  took  firo/ierty  ;  of  camels 
50,000,  of  sheep  250,000,  and  of  asses  2,000,  v.  21.  They 
took  possession  also  of  the  enemy's  territory^  "  and  dwelt  in 
their  steads  until  the  captivity."  v.  22. 


•  Aodat,  ia  sup/iosrd  to  be  the  sa7ne  nvi  h  ICedemah^mentioned 
<with  Jetur  and  J^'efihish  in  the  place  refered  to  in  Genesis, 
Dr.  Gill  inloc.  Or  perhaps  he  nvas  the  same  -with  JSTebaioth,  Ish' 
wael^a  eldest  son.  Gen.  25,  13.  For  as  it  is  not  certain  that  any 
peoplcy  in  scripture,,  are  named  after  him,  it  is  probable  that 
they  ivho  in  heathen  writers  are  called  A'abathxi  were  his  de^ 
icendants.     So  Dr.  Jackson  and  Up.  Patrick. 


of 


j1- 

es 

trs, 


.   As  the  text  is  entirely  historical,  the  remarks  already  made 

must  serve,  both  for  exposition  and  introduction. 

.    The  subject,  of  which  the  Text  is  a  history,  observe  is 

WAR, 

and  therefore,  confessedly,  a  very  extraordinary  one  to  be  dis- 
cussed in  the  palace  of  the  Prince  of  Peace.  But,  if  the  sub- 
ject be  extraordinary,  so  also  the  time  and  the  Occasion  :— » 
tve  are  assembled  in  a  time  of  war,  and  agreeably  to  the  re- 
commendation of  the  constituted  authorities  of  our  country, 
for  special  humiliation  and  prayer.  Humiliation  for  our  sins 
■which  have  contributed  to  the  common  mass  of  national  guilt, 
for  which  our  country  is  visited  ;  and  firayer,  that  God,  the 
only  proper  object  of  qur  hope,  would  interpose  his  mercy 
and  power  in  behalf  of  these  United  States.  Nor  is  it  the  de- 
sign of  the  speaker,  by  any  means  to  encrease,  but  by  all 
means  to  moderate  that  flame  of  contention  which,  among 
our  citizens,  already  bums-_nor  to  provoke  to  greater  out- 
rage, but  if  possible,  in  some  measure  to  conciliate  those  par- 
ties which,  to  the  great  injury  of  our  country,  and  the  triumph 
of  its  enemies,  already  exist. 

In  the  prosecution  of  this  design,  it  is  proposed  to  shew, 

I.  That  such  evils  accompany  war,  as  make  it  always  to  be 
depercated. 

II.  That,  notwithstanding  these  evils,  a  nation  may  be  so  treat- 
ed by  another,  as  to  justify,  on  her  part,  a  declaration  of 
war,  and  that  the  same  cannot  be  avoided  consistently  with 
her  dignity,  her  safety,  or  even  her  independence. 

III.  What  concern  God  has  in  war :  <*  The  war  was  of  God,*' 
and 

IV.  Whatmeasures,  especially  in  a  moral  point  of  view,  are 
proper  for  a  nation  to  take  in  relation  to  war-when  exempted 
from  it— when  threatened  with  it— and  when  involved  in  it. 

I.  That  such  evils  accompany  war,  as  make  it  always  to  be 
deprecated. 

WaVf  necessarily  occasions  an  increase  of  taxation.  This, 
In  a  free  country  is,  to  be  sure,  the  less  oppressive  by  being 
only  internal  s  and  under  an  elective  and  representative  gov- 


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ermnenti  like  ours,  »tilt  tean  «o,  by  bein^  voluntary^  both  the 
ratio  uf  the  tax  and  tlte  articles  subject  to  iti  being  determine 
C(l  by  men  chosen  bf  the  fieople.  Nevertheless  the  revenue 
must  be  collected  and,  of  course,  the  burden  felt. 

War  occasions,  inevitably,  an  interruption  of  commerce  ; 
and  thus  while  it  encreases  expense,  both  public  and  private, 
it  aiso  lessens  the  means  of  (iefraying  it.  In  times  of  war, 
the  produce  of  tlie  country  has  chiefly,  ii  n  t  who  y^  but  an  in* 
tcrnal  consumption,  and  consequently  tlie  Harvests  of  the 
husbandman  either  remain  in  his  ^rainaries,  or  are  vended  at 
a  price  not  equivalent,  cither  to  his  toils  or  his  expenses. 
The  ships  of  the  merchant*  if  not  appropriated  to  the  purposes 
of  war,  are  in  a  state,  either  of  perpetual  hazaixl  abroad,  or  of 
decay  at  liome.  And  the  hone^it  mechanick.,  with  perhaps  a 
numerous  as  well  as  dependant  family  is  without  employ,  or 
employiid  at  wages,  not  adequate  to  the  support  of  himself, 
and  those  dependant  on  him 

These  evils,  though  considerable,  are  nevertheless  small 
when  compared  with  others  arising  from  the  same  souri  e. 

A  separation  of  the  nearest  relatives,  and  loss  of  the  choicest 
comforts  of  natural,  civil  and  sociable  life,  are  among  the  in- 
variable concomitants  of  luar.  Think  for  a  moment  of  such  a 
number  of  our  valuable  citizens,  of  difTerent  ranks  and  ages, 
and  from  all  parts  of  the  union,  as  would  be  requisite  to  con- 
■stitute  an  army  and  a  navy  sufficient  to  contend  with  a  potent 
enemy — think  of  these  taking  leave  of  their  homes  and  con- 
nexions for  the  place  of  danger.  How  affecting  the  objects 
that  are  presented  to  view  ! — Wliole  families  bathed  in  tears 
and  overwhelmed  in  grief  ! — Nor  dare  we  disapprove  : — the 
occasion  demands  it — at  least  the  sensibility  and  sympathy  of 
parents,  wives  and  sisters,  sufficiently  account  for  it— «nd 
even  the  brave  soldier,  or  the  valiant  officer  must  be  excused 
should  he  drop  a  tear. 

This  still  is  but  as  the  "  beginning  of  sorrows."  For 
leaving  their  families  to  the  ihconveniencics,  griefs  and  anxi- 
eties, naturally  resulting  from  their  bereavement,  we  must 
now«pend  a  thought  on  the  toils,  the  danger^andlhe  appro- 
hensions  of  our  beloved  fellow-citizens,  gone,  as  with  their 
lives  in  their  hands,  to  fight  our  battles  and  maintain  our 


vig^ts.—See  them  eiicouDtcring  either  the  hazards  of  ^^9 
conflicting  clemen  ;s  upon  the  mighty  oceiin)  or  the  rigourt 
of  the  various  seasons,  in  long  unci  fatiguing  marches  by  la  d ! 
Or  view  them  actually  engaged  in  battle^  and  facing  ten  thou* 
sand  shafts  of  death  !  Homt  eventful  the  hour  !  Ah  !  ye 
fond  connexions  left  behind,  could  ye  witness  the  bloody  con- 
flict, how  would  your  hearts  beat  with  puinful  expcclation ! 
The  sanguinary  scene  is  past ; — and  perhaps  thousands  of 
immortal  souls  are  hurried  to  the  bar  of  God,  to  give  an  ac- 
count for  "  the  deeds  done  in  the  body."  This,  were  it  but 
once  to  occur,  would  be  important  ;-~but  probably  it  must  be 
often,  very  often  repeated,  before  the  balance  of  national 
power  be  decided,  the  murderous  process  terminated,  and 
the  instruments  of  death  ag^  immured. 

fVar^  especially  when,  like  that  of  the  American  revolu* 
tion  and  most  of  the  mo<lern  wars  in  Europe,  it  inundates  the 
country,  always  becomes  an  interruption  of  puMic  worship^ 
and  an  obstacle  to  learning  and  Mrience,  and  the  cultivatioa 
and  improvement  of  all  the  useful  arts.  Houses  of  worship 
and  seminaries  of  learning,  are,  under  such  circumstancts, 
commonly  closed  and  abandoned ;  and  if  taken  by  the  enemy>. 
usually  converted  into  barracks  for  soldiers,  or  perhaps  sta- 
bles  for  horses.  That  such  was  the  fate  of  public  buildings 
in  this  and  other  cities  on  our  continent,  during  the  revolu« 
tionary  war,  is  well  recollected  by  many  in  this  assembly. 

fVars  moreover,  is  a  fruitful  source  of  almost  all  manner  of 
wickedness.  Not  to  speak  of  that  flood  of  immorality  which 
commonly  attends  an  army,  and  which  more  or  less  dissem 
inates  its  baneful  influence  among  all  classes  of  society,  war 
has  its  very  origin  in  wickedness :  "  Whence  come  wars  and 
fighting  among  you  ?  Come  they  not  hence  even  of  your  lusts?** 
Jas.  5.  1  As  between  individuals  or  families,  so  between 
nations,  whenever  war  occurs,  there  must  be,  on  one  side  at 
least,  an  egregious  departure  from  equity  and  justice,  and 
which  can  only  praceed  from  the  lusts  of  the  human  heart ;. 
such  as  resentment,  envy  and  jealousy ;  restless  ambition, 
false  glory,  wantonness  of  power,  or  perhaps  a  mere  thirst 
for  dominion.  When  these  lusts  predominate,  right  is  for- 
jjutten,  national  charters  are  disregarded,  and  the  most  50- 


% 


8 


lemn  treaties  wantonly  violated.  Yes,  to  gratify  thcne  detest^' 
able  passions,  armies,  consisting  of  tliousands,  have  beciir 
deliberately  sacrificed,  and  multitudes,  which  no  man  can 
numbcri  have  been  precipitately  launched  into  the  world  of 
spirits.     Alas,    how  many  into  the  world  of  misery ! 

When  these,  and  many  other  evils  that  might  be  mention- 
ed, as  accompanying  war,  are  duly  considered,  surely  no  one 
can  doubt  that  war  is  always  to  be  deprecated.  Nevertheless, 
I  proceed  to  shew, 

II.  That  a  nation  may  be  so  treated  by  another,  as  to  justi* 
fy,  on  her  part,  a  declaration  of  war,  and  that  the  name  can- 
not be  avoided,  consistently  with  her  dignity,  her  safety  and 
even  her  independence. 

In  this  dilemma  a  nation  is  involved  when  another,  in  re- 
ference to  her,  vioUtcs,— perseveringly  violates  the  law  of 
nations.  This  law  I"  define  thus  :— /f  is  the  common  consent 
of  civil  authorities^  for  time  immemorial.,  that  all  free  and  in- 
de/iendent  natioiis  fiosseas  equal  rights  and  are  entitled  to  equal 
jirivileges.  By  this  consent  nations  are  cunstitutcd  a  society, 
differing  only  as  to  magnitude,  from  that  which  obtains  among 
individual  free  men.  Hence,  as  among  individuals,  so  among 
nations  equally  free  and  sovereign,  no  one  can  claim  the  right 
of  dictating  another;  nor  do  it,  without  violating,  as  in  the 
one  case  tlie  luw  of  civil  society,  so  in'  the  other  that  of  na- 
tional usage. 

Suppose,  for  the  sake  of  illustration,*  that  one  man,  though 
free,  should  presume  to  enjoin  his  will  upon  another  etjually 
free, — suppose  he  should  say  to  him,  You  shall  neither  buy 
nor  sell  at  such  or  such  a  market ;— or,  finding  him  on  the 
highway,  going  to  or  returning  from  market,  he  should  for- 
cibly take  away  his  property  and  injure  his  person:— Or 
suppose  that,  seeing  him  in  the  pursuit  of  some  profitable 
business,  he  should  tell  him.  You  shall  pursue  that  business 
no  longer;  perhaps  because  he  is  in  it  himself  and  wishes  to 
monopolize  the  profits  ;  or  possibly,  because  he  is  so  circum- 


^  \ 


*  This  mode  of  i'lustrationf  it  is  ho/iedf  loill  be  excused  by 
those  who  do  not  u.ed  it. 


9 


»tanccd  as  not  to  be  able  to  engage  in  it,  and  therefore 
grudges  his  neighbour  the  advantuge.  Again,  suppose  he 
should  fancy  it  to  be  the  duty  of  this  man  whom  he  has  un* 
dertaken  to  controul,  to  be  the  enemy  of  every  man  to  whom 
he  is  an  enemy,  and  should  treat  the  man  himself  as  an  enemy 
when  he  thinks  and  acts  otherwise  :— .or,  supposing  that,  en- 
vying the  leace  and  prosperity  of  this  certain  man,  he  should 
employ  his  influence,  by  secret  missions,  bribeiy,  8cc.  to 
move  his  neighbours  to  commit  depredations  upon  his  pro* 
perty,  or  to  excite  his  own  family  to  mutiny  ;— in  fine,  sup- 
pose him  to  demand  of  this  man,  as  a  matter  of  superiour 
right,  any  act  whatever,  as  a  token  of  inferiority  or  submis- 
sion;— suppose,  I  say,  any  one  of  the  things  mentioned,  and  you 
suppose  what  is  a  violation  of  the  common  rights  of  free  men. 
Can  you  then  for  a  moment  hesitate  as  to  the  duty  of  the  ci» 
tizen  thus  insulted  ! — >thu8  injured  ! — ff,  indeed,  he  possess 
no  means  of  self-dcfence->no  means  of  teaching  his  insolent 
neighbour  his  duty,  and  of  shewing  to  others  that  he  is  a  free 
man,  then,  to  be  sure,  he  must  peaceably  submit.  And  if  so, 
where  his  dignity,  his  safety,  and  his  freedom  ?  They  no 
longer  exist.  But,  if  the  requisite  means  be  at  his  com- 
mand, then  say  you,  and  I  believe  with  united  voice,  let  him 
avail  himself  of  them — let  him,  without  a  moment's  delay, 
repel  the  attacks  of  the  lawless  usurper,  and  assert  and  main- 
tain his  own  rights. 

The  application  to  nations  is  perfectly  convenient.  If 
among  the  society  of  nations  equally  free  and  sovex-eign,  any 
one  presume  to  make  her  will  the  rule  of  another's  conduct ; 
if,  for  instance,  she  prohibit,  or  attempt  to  prohibit  a  free  and 
neutral  bister,  the  right  of  trade,  at  any  port  not  legally  block- 
aded and  in  articles  not  contraband ; — ^if  she  authorise,  or 
(unremunerated)  permit  her  armed  vessels  to  molest  the 
merchant  ships  of  her  peaceable  sistei,— -especially  to  plunder 
her  property,  and  either  to  kill  or  to  impress  her  seamen  ;•— 
if  she  attempt  any  monopoly,  or  even  any  superior  right  upon 
the  high  seas,  which,  not  only  by  the  law  of  naiious,  but  also 

3 


#* 


10 

of  nature  and  of  nature's  God,  are  equally  free  to  all ;— if  she 
use  her  influence  by  any  means  to  excite  the  neighbours  of  a 
bister  nation  to  acts  of  aggression  against  her,  or  to  promote 
among  her  own  people,  disaffection  to  her  government,  and 
disunion  of  her  members  ; — if,  I  say,  a  nation  do  these  things, 
then  is  she  guilty  of  conduct  similar  to  that  supposed  of  a 
•wicked,  haughty,  and  domineering  individual,  and  is  worthy 
of  the  same  treatment  to  which,  in  your  minds,  that  individu- 
al hath  been  already  adjudged. 

Now,   how   far  the  conduct  of  Great  Britain  toward   this 
country,  for  at  least  five  years  past,  hath  assimilated  her  to 
such   an  individual,  I  kave  you,  my  fellow-citizens,  to  think 
for  yourselves,  claiming  to  myself,  as  a  free   man,  the  right 
of  doing  the   same,     liut  supposing  the  similitude  to  be  ap- 
propriate, and  that  the  acts  au/i/iosedj  have  been  really  com- 
mittcd  : — can  there,  under  such  a  supposition,  a  single  doubt 
remain  as  to  the  course  which  this  country,  in  return,  ought 
to  have  pursued  ?     If,  indeed,  these  insults  and  depredations 
had  not  been  repeated — had  they   not  been  often  repeated, — 
and  had  riot  a  disposition  been  manifested,  still  to  repeat  them, 
it  might  have  been  well,  on  the  part  of  this  country,  to  have 
forborne.    But  having   given  no  provocation   to  such   treat- 
ment, having  used,  in   vain,  all  honourable  means  to  prevent 
it,  and  having  already  sustained  considerable  loss,  not  only  of 
property  and  reputation,  but  even  of  blood ;  and  this,  all  this, 
having  been  wantonly  continued,  until  hope  had  beconte  folly, 
-and  delay  subjection  ;  there  remained,  of  course,  for  our  in- 
sulted, injiu'cd  country  but  two  objects  of  choice  :— Either  she 
must  tamely  and  dastardly  submit  to  the  dictates  and  oppres- 
sions of  imperious  iiritain,  and  so  make,  at  once,  a  surrender 
of  her  rights,  and  an  acknowledgment  that  she  is  no  longer 
free  ;  or,  in   the  noble  -spirit  of  '76,  call  together  her  patri- 
otic sons — vest  them  with  authority — furnish  t  lem  with  arms, 
and  say  to  them  Go,— Go  by  sea  and  land,— Go  vindicate  my 
rights,  avenge  my  wrongs,  and   maintain  my  liberty,  the 
bounteous  gift   of  Heaven,  and  the  invaluable,  price  of  your 
father's  blood.    The  former  she  has  nobly  disduuied,— t)  j 


■% 


#* 


11 


/ 


latter,  by  her  constituted  authorities,  she  has  hononrablf,  so- 
lemnly and  seasonably  done. — Mor  was  ever  a  mother's  man- 
date more  promptly  obeyed.  No  sooner  had  it  reached  the 
ears  of  her  free-born  sons,  than  her  flag  was  seen  waving  from 
every  principal  port  on  her  meandering  coast,  and  her  stand- 
ard planted,  with  her  banner  unfuiMed,  at  many  of  the  princi- 
pal avenues  to  the  enemy,  on  her  extensive  frontier.  And  for 
■what  purpose  ?  Not  to  invade  the  rights  of  others,  but  to  pro- 
tect her  own:  and  to  do  which,  we  are  taught,  not  oivly  by 
the  impulse  of  nature  and  tl)e  dictate  of  reason,  but  by  the 
voice  of  Revelation  itself  :*— yea,  not  to  doit,  were  to  sanc- 
tion the  vices  of  a  rapacious  foe,  and  to  pour  contempt  on  the 
favours  of  Ciod.— This,  however,  will  become  more  evident, 
while  I  attempt  to  shew 

III.  What  concern  God  has  in  war.  *'  The  war  wa»  of 
God."     Text. 

His  concern  in  this,  as  in  all  human  affairs,  though  not  al- 
ways manifest,  at  letist  not  in  the  same  degree,  yet  always 
exists.  And  that  not  merely  "  as  in  him  we  live,  and  move 
and  have  our  being  ;"t  but  also,  as  by  him  all  our  changes 
are  meted :— "  God  is  the  judge  ;  he  putteth  down  one,  and 
uetteth  up  another."^  «  I"  saith  he,  "  form  the  light  and  cre- 
ate darkness ;  I  make  peace  and  create  evil ;  I,  the  Lord,  do 
all  these  tlungs."§  However  strange,  it  is  nevertheless  evi- 
dent, that  God,  for  reasons  certainly  known,  only  to  himself, 
did,  at  an  early  period  of  the  world,  discover  that  his  secret 
arrangements,  in  relation  to  the  human  family,  provided  for 
war :  hence  the  remarkable  govarnment  which  he  gave  to  the 
ancient  Hebrews, — a  government  in  which  all  tlie  males  of 
Israel,  able  to  bear  arms,  were,  by  divine  command,  divided, 
under  several  captains,  into  companies  of  thousands,  hun- 
dreds, fifties  and  tens ;  ready  for  the  field,  whenever  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  nation  rendered  it  necessary.   Shall  thla  be 


m 


*  2  Chron.  xx.   15. 

t  ^cta  17.  28.         \  Psalm  75.  7.         §  laaL  45.  7. 


12 


urged  tLi  fnrniEhing  an  example  of  a  standing  army?  Cer- 
tainly not,  without  either  much  ignorance  or  much  sophistry. 
For  the  Israelites  were  not,  like  a  standing  army,  a  standing 
ex/ienae^  and  a  standing  nuisance  to  the  nation  ;  nor,  like  that> 
an  engine  at  the  command  of  a  lawless  tyrant,  to  impose  his 
will  upon  the  people.  .  No  ;  but  rather  like  an  eni*olled  and 
well  regulated  militias—in  peace,  pursuing  their  civil  employ- 
ments and  defraying  their  own  expenses,  and  yet  bestowing  so 
much  attention  on  the  cultivation  of  military  skill,  as  to  be 
ready,  on  any  emergency  to  repair  to  the  theatre  of  action. 
I  am  aware  that  it  may  be  said,  that  God,  in  the  arrangements 
made  for  war  among  the  ancient  Hebrews,  had  a  mystical  de- 
sign ;— that  the  warlike  state  of  the  Hebrews  was  to  prefigure 
that  of  the  Gospel  Church  ;  and  that  the  wars  they  were  com- 
manded to  wage,  and  the  conquests  they  were  enabled  to 
gain,  were  typical  of  the  wars  which  we  are  commanded  to 
wage  with  our  spiritual  enemies,  and  the  conquests  which, 
through  grace,  we  arc  encouraged  to  expect.  All  this  is  rea- 
dily granted.  But  were  the  Hebrews  influenced  by  these  con- 
siderations ?  Or  did  they  not  rather  act  from  the  common 
motives  which  influence  soldiers?  or,  at  most,  from  a  sense 
of  present  duty ; — while  the  mystical  design  remained  to  be 
understood  by  the  Gospel  Church,  under  the  superior  light  of 
the  Gospel  dispensation.*  So,  no  doubt,  God  has  had  a  de- 
sign no  less  important  ^nd  no  less  worthy  of  himself,  in  all 
the  wars,  both  ancient  and  modern,  since  the  commencement 
of  this  dispensation:  nevertheless  that  design  remains  to  be 
understood  by  the  Church  in  the  greater  light  of  her  millen- 
nial glory,  or  perhaps  not  fully  until  she  arrives  in  heaven.! 

That  God  has  a  concern  in  war,  appears  in  its  commence* 
mcnt,  its  progress,  and  its  termination.  • 

In  its  commencement.  That  he  had  such  a  concern  in  that 
war  of  which  our  Text  is  a  record,  is  plainly  asserted :  "  The 


* 
,» 


•i  (• 


«  £/}/i.  6.  1 1—17.         t  Matt.  24.  6,  7. 
Jsai.  30.  26.     John  13.  7. 


Rev.  19.  1",  18 


% 


13 


war  ivaa  of  God."  In  this,  however,  aa  In  all  other  eyents 
-which  give  occasion  for  the  exercise  of  human  corruptions, 
we  must  always  distinguish  between  these  corruptions  and 
God's  control  of  them.  War,  as  already  noticed,  proceeds, 
on  the  part  of  men  from  their  lusts  ;  nevertheless,  even  these^ 
in  their  propensity  to  war,  as  to  every  other  outrage,  are  sub- 
ject, to  the  overruling  power  of  God,  as  much  as  the  ele- 
ments of  nature ;  and  his  address  to  the  raging  ocean,  is  no 
less  applicable  to  depraved  man :  "  Hitherto  shalt  thou  come, 
but  no  further ; — here  shall  thy  proud  waves  be  stayed.*  The 
king's  hearti  "  and  so  the  heart  of  every  human  ruler  and  of 
every  human  being,  is  in  the  hand  of  the  Lord,  as  the  rivers 
of  water ;  he  turneth  it  whithersoever  he  will."t  Hence, 

Sometimes  when  men  determine  ivar.  God  prevents  it  j 
either  by  checking  their  lusts,  or  frustrating  their  designs.| 

At  other  times,  he  not  only  permits,  in  his  holy  providence, 
circumstances  to  occur,  which  call  those  corruptions  into  ex- 
ercise, but  also  leaves  men  to  pursue  their  dictates,  either  to 
conquest  or  to  ruin,  as  he,  in  his  righteous  sovereignty  may- 
have  determine  d.$ 

And  there  are  also  instances  in  -which,  either  by  a  strange 
concurrence  of  providences,  or  by  some  mysterious,  ineffa- 
ble and  inconceivable  impulse  upon  the  minds  of  men,  God 
manifests  his  concern  in  ivar^  by  actually  stimulating  to  it  :-^ 
♦*  The  God  of  Israel  stirred  up  the  spirit  of  Pul  and  the  spirit 
of  Tilgath-pilneser,  kings  of  Assyria,"  to  make  v/ar  against . 
Israel.  1  Chron.  5.  36.  Do  we  5nd  our  hearts  rising  in  oppo* 
sition  to  such  sovereignty  ?  Let  it  remind  us  that  we  are  de- 
praved, and  are  nor  yet  in  due  submission  to  him,  who  is 
saying  «'  Be  still,  and  know  that  I  am  God."  Psalm  46.  10. 

As  God  has  a  concern  in  the  commencement,  scr  also  in  tha 
firogrest  of  war  ,•  which  is  long  or  short,  severe  or  moder- 
ate, according  to  his  sovereign  control. 


'I     ; 


I 


It 


•  Job  38.  11.         t  J'rov.  21.  1.         \  i  Sa7n.  23.  7—17.  £5" 
25,    26,  34.  b"  I  Kings  12.    22—24.  $  1   Sam.  4.  9,  10. 

2  Chron,  25,  20—24.     Deut.  1.  42—44. 


14 


Ih 


ll>! 


As  the  hearts  of  all  are  in  his  hand,  he  imboldens  or  inti- 
midates them  at  pleasure.* 

As  "  unto"  him  "  belong  the  issues  from  death  "  Psalm  68. 
20.  it  cannot  be  reasonably  doubted  that  the  shafts  of  battle, 
as  well  as  of  disease,  are  all  directed  by  his  sovereign  hand. 
Witness  the  stone  from  David's  sling,  which  prostrated  the 
vaunting  Philistine,  and  the  arrow  from  the  •»  bow,  which  a 
certain  man  drew  at  a  venture,"  but  which,  divinely  directed, 
penetrated,— fatally  penetrated  "  the  king  of  Israel  between 
the  joints  of  the  harness  .f  Yea,  if  not  a  sparrow,  much  less 
a  man,  can  fall  to  the  ground  without  his  will.  Matt.  10.  29. 

Besides  ;  as  at  all  times  and  places  in  common,  the  des- 
tinies of  all  men  and  of  all  nations  are  in  his  power, ^  so  un> 
doubtedly,  in  times  of  war  and  at  the  place  of  battle.  If  not, 
why  the  exhortation,  "  Trust  ye  in  him  at  all  times,"  Psalm 
62.  8. — or  why  did  God  himself  say  to  Israel,  "  The  battle  is 
not  yours,  but  God's.     2  Chron.  20.  15. 

Nor  is  the  concern  which  God  has  in  the  ivar^  any  less  ma- 
nifest in  its  termination  :  "  He  maketh  wars  to  cease."  Psalm 
46.  9.  And,  as  of  him  is  the  decision  of  the  contest  so  also 
the  disposal  of  the  conquest.  '•  The  battle  is  the  Lord's.'* 
1  Sam.  17.  47.  Men,  indeed,  commonly  view  these  events  as 
depending  wholly  on  the  comparative  numbers  and  military- 
skill  of  the  forces  engaged ;  or,  if  any  thing  extraordinary 
occur,  they  attribute  it,  usually  to  mere  chance  ;  but»  in  real- 
ity, they  are  like  the  lot,  >'  The  whole  disposing  thereof  is  of 
the  Lord."  Prov.  16.  .33.  That  "  the  battle"  as  remarked  by 
the  wise  man,  "  is  not  to  the  strong,"  i.  e.  not  always,  or  not 
merely  because  strong,  is  evident  from  our  Text ;  for  the  Is- 
raelites, compared  with  the  Hagarites,  were  but  few ;  yet, 
being  "  heJped,"  divinely  helped  "  against  them,  the  Hagar- 
ites were  delivered   into  their  hand,  and   all  that  were  with 


•  2  Chron.  20.  29.  i3^  2  Kings  7.  6. 
t   1  Sam.    17.   49.       1  Kings    22.   84. 
Paaim  31.  15. 


\  8  Ckron.  20.  6. 


15 


them,"  i.  e.  all  their  possessions.  That  these  events,  how- 
ever, depend  on  divine  interposition,  no  one  surely  can  doubt) 
who  for  a  moment  reviews  them  in  relation  to  the  revolution- 
ary war  in  this  country  :  for  then,  to  use  the  language  of 
scripture,  "  One  chased  a  thousand,  and  two  put  ten  thou- 
sand to  flight ;"  and  why  ?  Because  the  war^  like  that  re- 
corded in  the  Text,  noaa  of  God.  He  moved  our  fathers  to 
engage  in  it — he  conducted  them  through  the  whcle  process, 
and  he  crowned  them  with  victory  and  triumph. 

From  the  consideration  of  the  concern  which  God  has  in 
Wiir,  I  proceed  to  shew, 

IV.  What  measures,  especially  in  a  moral  point  of  view, 
arc  proper  for  a  nation  to  take  in  relation  to  war, — when  ex- 
empted from  it — when  threatened  with  it,  and  when  involved 
in  it. 

First.  When  exempted  from  it. 

During  sucli  times,  the  greatest  care  should  be  taken  to 
preserve  neutrality.  To  this  the  situation  of  the  United 
States  is  peculiarly  favourable  ;  being  so  widely  separated  by 
water.  fr()m  every  other  nation,  from  which  ^  war  of  any  con- 
sequence could  be  apprehended.  The  principles  of  neutral- 
ity are  often  violated  by  presumptuous  individuals:  but  this 
evil  It  is  in  the  power  of  government  easily  to  remedy,  by 
chastisement  and  remuneration.  O  that  proud  England  had 
done  this !  Then  had  not  our  government,  at  this  time,  been 
driven  to  the  last,  the  lamentable  resort  of  injured  nations. 

Wliile  exempt  from  war,  it  is  of  primary  importance  in 
preserving  the  blessings  of  peace,  that  the  people  preserve 
unity  of  sentiment  on  the  principal  measures  of  government ; 
strict  adherence  to  the  constitution,  the  great  charter  of  na- 
tional rights,  id  a  proper  submission  to  "  the  powers  that 
be  "*  It  may  indeed,  often  occur,  that  men  in  office  act  un- 
wort.y  the  trust  reposed  in  them;  but,  in  such  cases,  the 
remedy  lies,  not  in  faction,  riot  and  defamation,  but  in  elec- 


■■';i 


li 


•■'A 


Romans  13.  I. 


16 


1 1' 


'Mt 


7'. 


tiows.  When  these  return,  it  is  the  privilege  df  the  sovereiga 
people  to  withhold  their  sufrageB  from  those  who  have  abused 
their  confidence,  and  to  give  them  to  other  and  better  men. 

But  above  all,  a  nation,  while  exempt  from  the  evil» 
of  war,  should  habitually  acknowledge  God  as  the  author  and 
presei*ver  of  the  blessings  of  peace.  When  he  is  forgotten, 
and  the  blessings  enjoyed  are  ascribed  to  the  merit  of  the 
people-^the  management  of  rulers— military  power—or,  in- 
deed to  any  cause  whatever,  short  of  divine  goodness,  there  is 
reason  to  expect  public  trouble  at  least,  and,  without  national 
reformation,  the  scourge  of  war.— "  If,"  said  God  to  the  peo- 
ple of  Israel,  and  which  is  not  inapplicable  to  the  people  of 
these  United  States — "  If  ye  be  willing  and  obedient,  ye  shall 
eat  the  good  of  the  land ;  but  if  yc  refuse  and  rebel,  ye  shall 
be  devoured  with  the  sword,  for  the  mouth  of  the  Lord  hath 
spoken  it."*  To  this  means  of  advancing  either  ♦he  prosperi- 
ly,  or  the  ruin  of  the  nation,  every  individual  may  contribute, 
as  he  may  contribute  either  to  that  morality,  that  *'  righteous^ 
ness  which  exalteth  a  nation,"  or  to  that  immorality,  that  *'  sin 
which  is  the  disgrace  of  any  people."t  However,  when  the 
moral  character  of  a  nation  is  taken  into  view,  there  are  two 
classes  in  the  community  which  require  a  more  than  ordinary 
attention. 

The  one  class  intended,  unites  those  who,  in  the  providence 
of  God,  are  called  by  the  voice  of  the  people,  to  transact  the 
civil  affairs  of  the  n-^tion  ;  whether  by  enacting  laws  or  ad- 
ministering government.  And  as  the  moral  qualifications  re- 
quisite in  these  men,  are  so  much  ths  topick  of  popular  cla- 
mou»',  it  may  be  proper,  on  this  occasion,  in  some  measure, 
to  investigate  that  subject. 

It  is  contended  by  many,  that  they  ought  to  be  religiout 
men.,  If  by  religious  be  meant  regenerate,  then  is  it  irdced 
essential  that  they  be  religious  men.  Not,  howt-vcr,  to  qua- 
lify them  to  be  statesmen ;  for  as  their  work,  'n  that  capacity, 


*  Isai.  1.  19,  20. 


t  Prov.  14.  34. 


17 


4s  wholly  of  a  natural  and  civil  kind,  so  also  the  qualificatlbns^ 
requisite  to  perform  it :  but,  in  order  to  their  own  eternal  sal- 
Oation ;  for  God  respects  no  man's  person ;— and  •*  Except  a 
man"  whether  gr  jat  or  small>  "  be  born  again,  he  cannot  see 
the  kingdom  of  God."     John  3.  3. 

But  is  it  not  awfully  to  be  feared,  that  the  greater  part  of 
those  who  make  such  an  outcry  against  statesmen,  whom  they 
deem  irreligious,  are  themselves  strangers  to  experimental- 
religion  ;  and  that  their  ideas  of  religious  men,  extend  no 
further  than  to  men  who.  by  education  or  otherwise  are 
connected  with  some  religious  sect,  attend  public  worship  and 
approach  the  Lord's  table.  But  who  does  not  discover  that 
all  this  may  be  true  of  men,  strangers  to  a  work  of  graco 
upon  the  heart,  and  even  of  Deists  ?  That  it  is  the  duty  of 
those  who  possess  religion,  to  profess  it.  and  the  privilege  of 
those  who  have  been  enabled  to  rely  on  the  merits  of  Christ 
for  salvation,  to  commemorate  his  sufferings  in  the  ordi- 
nance of  the  supper,  is  heartily  admitted  ;  but  to  make  a  pro- 
fession of  religion,  especially  a  partaking  at  the  Lord's  table, 
a  test  of  qualification  for  civil  office,  is  to  hold  out  a  strong-— 
if  not  the  strongest  inducement  to  hyfiocrisu  and  imfiiety. 
Should  it  be  said,  they  ought  to  believe  ;  as  well  might  it  bo 
said,  they  ought  to  keefi  the  whole  moral  law,  and  so  to  be/«er- 
fect.*  But  duty  and  ability  are  two  things.  And  whoever 
makes  such  an  observation  proves,  to  me,  that  he  is  an  utter 
stranger  to  living  faith,  or  he  would  know  it  to  be,  not  at  the 
command  of  the  creature,  but  the  gift  of  God,  and  a  fruit  of 
the  Holy  Ghost.f  If  it  be  saiO,  that  it  is  the  duty  of  men  in 
public  life,  to  observe,  and  treat  with  respect,  the  externals 
of  religion,^  it  is  only  saying  what  I  admit  and  contend  is  the 


m 


1:*^ 


*  Matt.  22.  37w-40.         f  ^/^A.  2.  8.  and  Gal.  5.  22. 

^  JVcglcct  of  this  duty  hath  been  attributed  to  our  Chief 
Magistrate,  and  to  his  worthy  predecessor  ;  and  on  which  aC" 
count  they  have  been  stigmatized  aa  Deists.  The  charge  is 
-not  true  ;  and  if  it  were,  it  could  no  more  prove  them  to  bt 
Deists,  than,  neglect  of  the  same  dutu  proves  many  others  tt 

3 


Mi 


18 


111 


J:!I 


%\ 


(l>ify  of  men  in  common.      For  the  command  of   Christy 
"  Search  the  scriptures,"*  is  binding  on  all,  and  the  injunc- 
tion  on   his   ministers   "  Preach  the  Gospel  to  every  crea- 
ture,! plainly  implies  the  duty  of  every    creature  to  attv  nd 
>vhere  it  is  preached.     But  to  contend,  as  many  seem  to  do, 
that  it  is  the  duty  of  statesmen^  to  profess  experimental  reli- 
gion, and  to  partake  at  the  Lord's  table,  to  set  an  example  to 
others,  is  to  contend  that  it  is  their  duty  I,  Se  hypocrites,  in 
order  to  influence  others  to  be  so,  and  to  "  v^  ^t  and  drink  dam- 
nation"   that   is,  coJidemnation^  or  judgment,  or  guilt,^  to 
themselves,  that,  by  their  cxampU ,  they  may  teach  others  to 
do  the  same.     From  such  hypocrisy  and  wickedness  '♦  good 
Lord  deliver  us  1"     That   it  is  not  the  object  of  those  who 
reason  in  that  way,  to  induce  the  men  now  in  office,  in  the 
United  States,  to  become  guilty  of  such  crimes,  that  so  tluy 
might  peaceably  retain  their  several  stations,  is  readily  ad- 
mitted ;  for  their  object,  on  the  contrary,  is  to  have  them  re- 
moved :  and  why  ?     Not,  surely,  because  they  refuse  to  be 
guilty  o(  hij/iocrisy  and  i?n/iiety  !  No  ;  but  that  they  might  fill 
the  offices  Uuy  hold  with  men  of  different  politicks.     Should 
they  succeed,!  pray  Ciod  that  they  may  not  be  permitted  to  sub- 
stitute men  already  guilty,  or  who  are  capable  of  becoming 
guilty  of  such  deception  and  ini(,uiiy,  in  order  to  secure  their 
favor  !    For  of  all  men  that  might  be  put  into  power,  such  aro 
the  most  dangerous.||     Nor  docs  that,  in  my  humble  opinion, 


w 


■|  !:.. 


he  so,  Kvho  nevertheless  stand  high  ivith  their  calianniators. 
Whether  those  great  men  thus  abused,  are  siihjccis  of  ^r ace 
or  not,  is  known  only  to  God  ;  but  of  their  being  Deists,  I 
am  bound  to  believe  that  there  is  no  more  evidence,  than  of 
moral  men  in  common  being  so,ivho  make  no  Jirofessio7i  of  ex- 
perimental  religion. 

*  John  5.  39.  f  Mark  16.  15.  \   That  is,  because 

statesmen  ;  though  they  should  be  unregeneratc-—. 

§  I  Cor.  11.  27 — 29.  From  which  scrifiture  it  is  evident  that 
faith  is  essential  to  ati  evangelical  /lartici/iation  in  that  sacred 
ordinance,  as  without  it  none  can  discern  the  Lord's  body. 

II  Jiven  Gallio,  who  *'  cared  for  none  of  these  things,"  bet- 
ter  understood  civil  authority,  and  civil  rights,  and  was  more 


19 

g.ished  by  the  »??>="»"' "'°;  .  i„k,  that  there  »re  men  o 
have  aUvaya  U.ouBht,  and  "°* 'l^.*  ^.^,^^      ^„ , 

;,a.  integrity,  '^Wl"- anc  p.   '"U  m^_,^^  ^^  .^  i,  ;       U- 

tick;  for.  ""'»"■  °"S°;"r'";Re„ublican.«ithoutbe,ng 
without  being  a  R^P""  '"  '  ™  ,  pect  to  the  confederacy  o 
,  l..edc,-aUsti  the  o"^,^" "'^^^."^gnty  of  the  people;  and 
the  states,  .he  ot.er  to  *e jov   j  ^„„„i„t.„n 

both  being  comprehended  .n  on  ^  digression,  I 

After  begging  ^'-e'v--^  '"    ^  ,„e  tnora.  qualificauons 

.ome  to  offer  my  o«n  opt..on  a.  t        ^^^^^^  .^  ^^„^,^,„  „, 

that  are  desirable  msta«sn».n.  an    ^^^ 

such,  they  ought  «-''"7;"!jhey  ought  to  be 
Their  mom' ^x^W"''"         . 
,.  Men  of  good  morals,  ai-a  understanding 

;.  Men  of  liberal  «"»"'-'^;-r"d  Alienable  rights  of 
andduly  ''PP'-"'^""^ 'h^, -'"    ^„,i,,„d,   in  common  w«h 
conscience  ;-men  «'^°' '^°;,L„u,  opinion,  and  the  choice 
other  men,  to  the  nght  "^ 'f "«  °    jX  to  control  the  con- 
ot  ..eligious  society,  V"  f -.  ™  ^^  „,tters  of  religion,  to 
sciences  of  others,  no.  to 
their  fellow  men.  .^  „j^„.„(  „/»««!/,  ouff^ 

The  manner  in  «'"'*    "f  '     should  do 
„  ackn<,'.vMge  God.    1  h.^  "ey  sho             <,f  „„science,  and 
::  By  submitting  to  •-- ";;;';,S„dividuaU  to  worship 
consequently,  leaving  all  »«'^  "         ,„  ^hem  shall  appear   o 
Mm,  il  that  way  and  manner^  wh.^H          __^^^^^^_.^  ^^.^     „^ 
te  most  acceptable  unto  him  ^P                  .„^^rf,,e  with  the 
i„g  in  their  customs  and  manner  ^ 


cm  establishment  !  ■ 


•>'■: 


II 


*1 


I 
I 


20 


{■'ll'ii 


rights  of  others,  nor  with  the  peace  and  good  order  of  civil 
society. 

2.  By  discharging  their  official  duties  with  an  integrity  be- 
coming the  solemnities  under  which  they  entered  into  office, 
and  in  wliich  they  called  upon  him  to  witness  their  obliga- 
tions. 

3.  By  acknowledging,  at  times  of  special  emergency,  thcii- 
need  of  his  special  direction,  and  requesting  their  constituents 
to  unite  with  them  in  imploring  it. 

The  other  class  of  the  connnunity  deserving  special  con- 
side  lation,  are  professors  of  the  ('hristian  religion.  And  our 
duties,  my  brethren,  in  relation  to  the  subject  before  us,  are 
concisely  and  specifically  state  d  in  these  words  of  our  blessed 
master :  "  Render  unto  Cxsar  the  things  which  ai'e  Cajsar's, 
and  unto  God,  the  things  that  are  God's.  Matt.  22.  21.  That 
is,  unto  civil  authority,  render  obedience  in  civil  things,  and 
unto  God,  and  to  him  oJily,  render  obedience  in  apiritual 
thingn  ;  that  so  while  they  attend  to  the  duties  of  the  one,  tliey 
may  not  neglect  those  of  the  other.  Christians  should  recol- 
lect that,  as  they  "  arc  the  salt  of  the  earth,"  in  common,  so 
in  particular  of  the  nations  in  which  they  respectively  dwell ; 
and  therefore  that,  as  it  is  their  duty  to  use  all  means  to  pre- 
serve peace  and  good  order  in  the  churches,  with  which  they 
are  connected,  so  also  in  the  nations  to  which  they  belong. 
Especially  they  should  be  in  the  habit  of  returning  thanks  to 
God,  as  for  all  other  blessings,  so  for  the  peace  and  pros- 
perity of  their  nation,  and  of  praying  for  "  all  that  are  in  au- 
thority ;  that  we  may  lead  a  quiet  and  peaceable  life  in  all 
godliness  and  honesty."  1.  Tim.  2.  2. 

As  there  are  certain  measures  in  relation  to  war,  proper  to 
be  taken  by  a  nation  when  exempted  from  it,  so 

Secondly.  When  threatened  with  it.  Here  much  might  be  said 
as  to  erecting  fortifications,  preparing  military  stores,  raising 
and  an*anging  forces,  fee.  &c.  but  these  I  leave  to  statesmen, 
confininr;  myself  to  what  is  of  a  moral  nature,  and  which 
therefore,  comes  more  immediately  within  my  providence. 

A*  ivar,  like  every  other  judgement  is  procured  by  sin, 
the  fii-st  act  of  a  nation  when  threatened  with  it,  should  he 


n 


21 


fiublic  humiliation.  And  this,  as  all  are  equally  conccrned(, 
oi'ght  to  be  as  g«ncral  as  possible  ;  and  therefore  it  is  proper 
that  a  day  or  days'for  that  purpose  be  recommended  by  the  na- 
tional govcninient.  Not  indeed  to  make  it  the  duty  of  the  peo- 
ple to  fust  and  pray  ;  for  that  is  already  done  by  the  authority 
cf  God  him&'lf,  and  by  the  example  of  his  ancient  servants ;  • 
and  if  it  were  not,  no  human  authority  could  make  it  so  ;  t 
but  to  secure  the  object  just  mentioned,  unanimity  :  that  so, 
from  all  the  worshipping  assemblies  in  the  natioui  the  cries 
«f  the  saints  may  ascend  in  one  common  and  united  prayer  to 
the  throne  of  mercy,  for  pardon  of  accumulated  guilt,  and  pres- 
ervation from  threatened  evil.  Such  was  the  counsel  of  king 
Jehoshaphat,  and  such  the  conduct  of  all  Judea.  2.  Chroo. 
20.  3—4. 

But  suppose  the  cloud  shouJd  still  thicken,  and  either  sub- 
mission or  war  become  inevitaide  ;  it  is  then  the  duty  of  the 
constituted  authorities  of  the  nation  to  act  as  recommended  in 
the  case  supposed  by  Christ,  Luke  14.  31 — S3,  that  is,  to 
tonsult  whether  they  possess  a  sufficient  power  to  afford  a 
reasonable  probability  of  success,  should  they  engage  in  war  ; 
if  not,  let  them  propose  peace,  which  is  to  be  preferred  on  al- 
most any  terms,  rather  than  a  wanton  and  unsuccessful  effu- 
sion of  blood  ;  but  if  a  sufficient  force  be  at  command  to  de- 
fend the  rights,  and  preserve  the  property  of  themselves  and 
their  constituents,  let  them  recommend  an  immediate  appeal 
to  arms,  and  let  all  the  people  heartily  acquiesce.  \     Hence 

Thirdly.  The  measures  which,in  relation  to  war,  are  prop- 
er for  a  nation  to  take,  when  involved  in  it.     This,  at  least,  as 


■  i,  . 


,'  !l 


'I'll 


M. 


*Zech.%.\9.  Luke  5.  55.  Ezra  8.  21—25.  Jer.  36.9. 
Joet  2.  15 — 18.  Thia  indeed,  like  all  other  external  act* 
»f  religion,  may  be  enjoined  and  observed  both  by  public  and 
private  fiersons,  as  a  mere  sfiecious  shotu  of  fiicty,  and  then  it 
is  an  abomination  to  God.  See  1.  Kings,  21.  7—13.  Isai.  58. 
3— J'*  Matt.  6.  16.  But  the  abuse  qf  a  duty  can  nevernulify  it. 

t  Matt.  15.  9. 

%  Thia  ia  plainly  implied  in  the  supposed  case  already  allu- 
ded to. 


22 

to  form,  is  the  lii'cscnt  condiiion  of  these  tJnitcd  States.  Aim! 
ahhough  I  make  no  pretentions  to  special  disccrnmi'iit,  'ind 
much   less  to  a  spirit  of  prophecy,  yet  as  I  have  uniformly 
saiil  for  seven  years  past,  I  still  say,  th.it.  of  war  in  this  cou- 
try,  Jicrc  will  be  little  more  than  the  form.     Tliis  oph>ion  is 
found  d  in  a  firm  persuasion  that  all  the  modern  wars  that 
have  occuiTcd  among  the  nations  of  the  i  arth.  arc  procured 
by  that  Antichrislian  al)omination,  a  union  of  church  and  statr  ; 
and  as  this  abomination  docs  not  exist  in  our  country  and  is 
not  provided  for  in  our  national  constitution,  so  neither    shall 
v/c  share  in  the   "  overflowing  scourge"    which    is  designed 
to  remove  it.     At  Cannad;'.  indeed  it  exists,  and  British  squad- 
rons under  the  sanction  of  it,  are  cruizing  on  our  coasts  ;  and 
therefore,  it   is    within   the  limits  of  my  opinion  already  ex- 
pressed, that  it  may  in  those  situations,  occasion  distress  and 
juid   bloodshed.     And    as  it  hath  been  attempted  in  some  of 
our  Eastern  states,  what  degree  of  trouble  they  may  expe- 
I'ience  on  account  of  it,  I  will  not  pretend  to  determine.     Of 
this   however,  I  have  no  doubt,  that  all  governments  under 
heaven,  in  which  that  abomination  has  a  being,  must  be  sha- 
ken to  their  centre,  and  so  changed  in  their  forms,  as  to  be  no 
longer,  as  they  now  are.  obstacles  to  the  *'  free  course"  of  the 
gospel,  and  the  equal  enjoyment  of  civil  and  religious  liber- 
ty.    The   government   of  the  Jews  v/hich   was  originally  a 
theocracy,  became  indeed  by  divine  permission,*  a  monnrchy  ; 
and  the  Jewish  nation  with  their  two  fold  officers  of  kings  and 
priests  was,  it  is  admitted  a  figure  of  the  gospel  church  ;  but 
then,  as  the  antitype  of  their  offerings  was  found  in  the  sacri- 
^ce,\  so  that  of  their  kings  and  priests  in    the /;er«on  of  the 
MESSIAH,  \  who   is  not  only  the  substance  of  preceeding 
shadows,  but  also  at  once  "  king  in  Zion,"  and  the  great  high 
priest  of  our  profession.     Hence,  as  at  his  deaths  the  Aaronic 
order  and  ceremonial  service  of  right  forever  ceascd,§    so  at 


*  1.  Sam.  8.  7. 

•r  IM.  9.  11— U.  t  //<■*.  4.  14.     Rev.  17.  14, 

i  Daniel  0,  24— 2'J.  Col.  2.  14—17. 


20 


his  rcHurvectton^*  the  power  and  authority  of  all  human  kinjvsv 
Ncv«;rtht'U.93,  IS  the  ceremonies  of  the  law  wen  presumpiii- 
ously  persisted  in  by  the  Jews,  until  the  dcsti uctioii  ol  Ji  lu- 
suleni,  when  it  was  no  longer  possible,  i'  e  Temple  and  its 
furniture  being  destroyed ;  so  have  tlie  nations  of  tlie  earth 
presumptuously  persisted,  and  will  continue  so  to  persist,  it\ 
the  support  of  kings  and  kingly  governments,  until  the  cf- 
fei;tual  destruction  of  Anlichristian  power,  both  civil  anci  ec- 
clesiastical ;  aiid  then  shall  be  tviken  up  that  doleful  lamenta- 
tion, "  Babylon  the  great  is  fdlcn,  is  fallen,  Sec. — For  all  the 
nations  have  drunk  of  the  wine  of  the  wrath  of  her  fornica- 
tion, and  the  kings  of  the  earth  have  committed  fornicatioa 
with  her,"  8cc.  8cc.  Rev.  18.  3 — 3.t 

But  to  return  :  However  confident  I  feel  that  tho  present 
war  will  not  prove  an  overjl'jivitti;  scourge  to  our  country,  1  do 
not.  on  this  account  wish  any  relaxation  in  tlic  use  of  means  ; 
for  it  is  by  these,  I  believe,  thai  God  will  preserve  us.  And 
therefore,  as  Paul,  although  he  had  a  vihion  from  heaven  as- 
suring him  that  there  should  be  no  loss  of  the  crew,  neverthe- 
less said  to  the  mariners,  concerning  means,  *'  exccpl  these 
abide  in  the  ship,  ye  cannot  be  savcil"  •.\  so  much  more  may 
I,  having  but  a  general  view  of  the  scriptures  in  support  of 
my  opinion  and  being  like  mer  in  common,  liable  to  err, 
say  to  the  rulers  and  people  of  our  nation,  ivithout  the  means 
of  defence.^  ye  cannot  be  secured  from  the  evils  threatened  : 
Yea,  to  expect  it  would  be  presumption.  As  to  the  means 
proper  to  be  used,  there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt. 

A  primary  object  with  every  citizen,  public  and  private, 
in  church  and  state,  should  be  to  promote  union,  and  firmness 
in  the  support  of  government.  "  A  house,"  a  family — a  nation 
"  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand."§  On  a  disunion  of  the 
states  and  disaffection  to   the  general  government,  the  enc- 

•  This  is  firobahly  the  true  sente  of  Horn.  1.  4. /loiver^  7nean' 
hig  authority.  See  also  Jets,  2.  22 — 36.  Here  he  is  at  once 
made  Lord  and  Christ,  the  ruler  and  the  /irirst. 

^  Sec  also  Ezekiely  21.  27.     Daniel  7.  9.  Psa.  72.   10.. 
\  Acta  27,  "AX.     yxiark.},.  25, 


u^ 


^y  chiefly  relies.  Whoever  therefore  contributes  to  these, 
contiibutes  to  the  interest  and  encouragement  of  the  commoil 
Ibe  of  our  belored  country  ;  and  is  therefwe  no  longer  worthy 
the  honourable  distinction  of  an  American  citizen. 

Means,  though  to  be  used,  are  not  to  be  trusted  in.  Go(i 
alone  should  be  the  object  of  our  trust :  so  of  Israel  it  is  said 
in  the  text,  *'  they  trusted  in  him."  Lot  us  do  likewise.  He 
only  can  give  that  wisdom  to  our  rulers,  and  that  success  t» 
•ur  forces,  which  are  necessary  tc  conquest. 

And  as  he  is  to  be  trusted  in  so  also  to  be  called  upon  ;  and 
that  not  only  in  common,  nor  only  in  common  durinff  ivaVf 
but  evej  in  the  time  of  battle  :  '*  they  cried  to  God  in  the  bat- 
tle,"— nor  did  they  cry  in  vain ;  "  he  was  entreated  of  them  ;'* 
because  they  trusted  in  him."  Prayer  then  for  success  of 
arms,  is  evidently  lawful,  and  avaiUng.  It  hath  been  offered 
by  God's  Israel,  and  answered  by  Israel's  God.  May  we.  and 
may  all  God*s  people  in  these  United  State  s  abound  in  it  I 
Then  may  we  hope  for  a  short  war,  and  an  advantageous  peace. 

1*0  the  declaration  of  war  lately  made,  on  the  part  of  our 
government,  we  all  know  there  are  many  objections.  But 
•when  we  consider  whence  t^ey  come  j — that  from  the  same 
tjuarter,  eleven  years  ago,  the  chambers  of  the  Capitol  rung 
with  arguments  in  favor  of  an  appeal  to  arms  for  taking  Louis- 
ianna  ;  which,  in  the  wisdom  of  our  then  chief  magistrate 
was,  to  much  greater  advantage,  honourably  purchased  ;  and 
that  the  same  men  who  accuse  the  present  administration  of 
madriess,  for  going  to  Avar,  when,  in  fact  there  was  no  other 
rcsort.no  less  accusedthe  former  administration  of /rwszV/rJTzimi- 
ty,  for  pursuing  milder  measures,  notwithstanding  there  cer- 
tainly did  then  remain  grounds  of  hope  that  a  reconciliation 
might  be  effected  ;— when,  I  say,  these  things  are  considered, 
we  are  tempted,  strongly  tempted  to  doubt,  in  this  particular, 
their  sincerity,  and  to  conclude  that  all  the  outcry  is  intended 
only  to  answer  electioneering  purposes,  and  to  put  the  admin- 
istration into  other  hands. 

It  is  urged  that,  hud  it  been  proper  for  our  governincnt  to 
declare  -war,  it  should  have  been  declared  against  France,  as 
well  as  England.    Thut  the  conduct  of  France,  toward  thie 


m 


25 


country,  has  been  very  unwarrantable,  is  not  denied  ;  nor  yet 
that  a  national  anjustment  with  her  may  hereafter  be  necessa- 
ry. It  must  be  obvious,  however,  that  the  principal  provo- 
cations to  war  have  been  only  on  the  part  of  Entjland :  France 
has  indeed  robbed  as  on  the  highway  of  nations,  and  even 
burnt  our  vessels  ;  nevertheless  she  has  not,  li':e  England, 
impressed  our  citizens,  blockaded  our  harbours,  and  crim- 
soned our  waters  with  American  blood. 

It  is  contended  that  the  declaration  of  v.  r  at  all  was  impo- 
litick.  I  cannot  think  so  ;  but  believe  that  this  declaration 
and  correspondent  arrangements,  were^  of  all  means,  the 
most  likely  to  procure  peace — lasting  and  honourable  peace. 

The  present,  however,  is  not  the  time  to  contest  that  point. 
When  the  flames  arc  raging,  it  is  too  late  for  firemen  to  stand 
disputing  whether,  by  certain  means,  they  might  not  have 
been  prevented  from  kindling;  their  duty  then  is  to  unite  in 
quenching  them.  The  flames  of  >yar  are  already  kindled — 
they  are  gathering  along  our  coast  and  threatening  upon  our 
frontiers  ;  the  duty—the  common  duty,  therefore,  of  Ameri- 
can citizens  is,  to  use  all  means  in  their  power,  to  bring  tlie 
contest  to  the  most  speedy  and  most  favourable  issue. 

Yes,  my  friends,  the  time  for  idle  and  speculative  debate 
is,  with  us,  at  an  end.  We,  in  holy  providence,  are  placed 
in  a  situation  which  demands  the  greatest  national  unity  and 
exertion ;  and  which,  in  its  result,  must  necessarily  furnish 
occasion  for  the  greatest  national  triumph  or  lamentation. 
From  the  latter  may  we  be  mercifully  preserved  !  In  the  for- 
mer may  we  soon  participate !  And  all  the  glory  shall  re- 
dound to  God.    Amek. 


Hi 


i  (. 


•;  f 


\: 


*;: 


i- 


'H 


ii'.t . 


H  Y  M  N, 


Suv»;  at  the  close  of  Public  Worsh'n,  when  the 
preceding  Sermon  was  delivered. 


IM 


I',  I 


1.  Great  God  of  all !  thy  matchlcjs  power 
Shouid  e.    ry  nation  still  adore  ; 
Thee,  our  sovereign,  we  would  own> 
And  bow  before  thy  gracious  throne. 

2.  May  peace  her  balmy  wing  extend, 
From  age  to  age  upon  this  land  ! 

Grant  freedom  and  the  gospel's  sound! 
Make  every  blessing  here  ab jund ! 

3.  Our  President  with  wisdom  crown, 
His  soul  with  thy  rich  grace  adorn ; 
Resolve  his  heart,  'midst  all  lus  foes, 

"  To  launch  the  stream  which  duty  shows." 

4.  Over  our  caftitol  diffuse, 

From  hills  divine,  thy  welcome  dews ; 
While  Congress,  in  ono  patriot  band. 
Prove  the  firm  fortress  of  our  land.; 

5.  Our  Magistrates^  O  Lord,  sustain, 
Nor  let  them  bear  the  sword  in  vain ; 
Long  as  they  fill  their  awful  seat, 
Be  Vice  seen  dying  at  their  feet. 

6.  For  ever  from  the  western  sky, 
Bid  the  destroying  angel  fly ; 

With  grateful  songs  our  hearts  inspire, 
And  round  us  blaze  "  a  wall  of^re." 

Parkinson's  Sslect.  H.  402*. 


t 


